In article <iiehkv4ojhk66desp81df655gd3dm0sf8e@4ax.com>, Charles D. Bohne
says...

Voters Don't Want Bush Re-Elected - Poll
VOA News
24 Aug 2003, 06:50 UTC

http://www.voanews.com/article.cfm?objectID=AA40140D-FF3F-4B8D-AEB579CA3DBB57E7

The majority of American voters would not like to see President
Bush re-elected to another term according to a poll by Newsweek
magazine.

The majority of American voters did NOT vote
for the Bush crime syndicate the first time.
But the CIA covert-op crowd got him in
anyway.  

How George W. Bush made his millions By Joseph Kay

Much has been written over the past month about President George W. Bush�s
actions while at Harken Energy. This is, indeed, a significant history: in
the early 1990s Bush made hundreds of thousands of dollars in a deal that
reeks of the same insider trading and accounting fraud the president now
claims to oppose. (See "On eve of Wall Street speech: Bush�s past business
dealings come back to haunt him," 9 July, 2002).

However, the media has paid far less attention to what Bush did with the
$850,000 he made through the sale of Harken stock options and the manner in
which he transformed that windfall into the $15 million that now constitutes
the larger part of his personal fortune. If anything, this story is even
more revealing.

If the Harken deal was a smaller scale version of the accounting scandals at
WorldCom, Enron and other firms, Bush�s purchase and sale of the Texas
Rangers baseball team reveals other characteristic features of the past
several decades of American capitalism: the plundering of public assets for
private gain, the confluence of political and economic power, the defrauding
of the American people.

By the time he cashed out in 1998, Bush�s return on his original $600,000
investment in the Rangers was 2,400 percent. Where did all of this money
come from and what did Bush do to get it? Much of the story was first
reported nationally by Joe Conason in a February, 2000 article for Harpers
Magazine. A report from the public interest group, Center for Public
Integrity, and recent columns on July 16 in the New York Times by Paul
Krugman and Nicholas Kristof have filled in some of the details.

A free stadium, and some choice land on the side

The same factors that propelled Bush virtually overnight from failed oil man
to wealthy corporate executive�family connections and the desire of rich
Texas businessmen to exploit the Bush name�opened the way for him to buy a
stake in the professional baseball team. Bill DeWitt, part owner of Spectrum
7, which had bought Bush�s own company several years earlier and then later
sold out to Harken, offered the son of the then-US president a chance to
join in a bid for the Rangers. In 1989 a deal was reached in which Richard
Rainwater, a wealthy Texas financier, joined Bush and several other
investors in buying the team.

Bush himself did not have a large fortune at the time, and only bought a two
percent share, financed with a $500,000 loan from a bank on whose board of
directors he had once served. Bush used the proceeds from his questionable
sale of Harken stock to repay this loan.

Bush�s formal title was "managing partner." He served essentially as a
public face, whose main responsibility was to attend the home baseball
games. Edward Rose, another wealthy Texas investor and Rainwater�s
associate, was responsible for the actual business operations of the team.

The top priority for the new Rangers owners in increasing the value of their
holdings was to acquire a new stadium. They had no intention of paying for
the stadium themselves, so they threatened to move the team if the city of
Arlington did not foot the bill. The city government readily agreed to a
generous deal. Reached in the fall of 1990, it guaranteed that the city
would pay $135 million of an estimated cost of $190 million. The remainder
was raised through a ticket surcharge. Thus, local taxpayers and baseball
fans financed the entire cost of the stadium.

Moreover, the owners were allowed to buy back the stadium for a mere $60
million, which was deducted from ticket revenues at a rate of no more than
$5 million per year. The Rangers syndicate was also given a property tax
exemption and sales tax exemption on products purchased for use in the
stadium. City residents ended up subsidizing these tax breaks for the
Rangers owners by paying higher local rates.

This plan was sold to Arlington voters with Bush�s help. At the end of the
day, the owners of the Rangers, including Bush, got a stadium worth nearly
$200 million without putting down a penny of their own money.

But the boondoggle did not end there. As part of the deal, the Rangers
syndicate got a sizable chunk of land in addition to the stadium. This land
naturally increased in value as a result of the stadium�s construction.

To oblige the owners, Ann Richards, the Democratic Governor of Texas at the
time, signed into law an extraordinary measure that set up the Arlington
Sports Facilities Development Authority (ASFDA), which was granted the power
to seize privately owned land deemed necessary for stadium construction.

According to documents obtained by the Center for Public Integrity, the
Rangers owners would locate a piece of land they wanted, offer a price far
below the market value, and if the owners of the land parcel refused, bring
in the ASFDA to condemn the land.

Kristof notes, "As part of the deal, the city would even confiscate land
from private owners so that the Rangers owners could engage in real estate
speculation." According to court documents, one of the Rangers owners saw a
piece of valuable land and sent off a memo with the words: "[S]ounds like
another condemnation candidate if you want to work the site into your master
plan."

In 1990, Bush himself let the cat out of the bag regarding this "master
plan" when he told a reporter for the Forth Worth Star-Telegram, "The idea
of making a land play, absolutely, to plunk the field down in the middle of
a big piece of land, that�s kind of always been the strategy." Several
home-owners who did not appreciate getting the short end of Bush�s "land
play" brought lawsuits against the Texas Rangers, for which they were
eventually awarded a total of $11 million.

Conason writes, "Never before had a municipal authority in Texas been given
license to seize the property of a private citizen for the benefit of other
private citizens... On November 8, 1993, with the stadium being readied to
open the following spring, Bush announced that he would be running for
governor. He didn�t blush when he proclaimed that his campaign theme would
demand self-reliance and personal responsibility rather than dependence on
government."

How a governor made $15 million from his own appointee

The tale of the Texas Rangers does not end with Bush�s ascendancy to the
position of Texas governor in 1994. While he placed all his other assets in
a blind trust, Bush held on to his stake in the Rangers until a man named
Tom Hicks bought the team in 1998. The significance of this sale requires a
brief detour down another path in Bush�s business career.

Thomas Hicks is a rich Texas financier and leveraged buyout specialist. One
of the wealthiest individuals in Texas, he is chairman and chief executive
of Hicks, Muse, Tate & Furst, a conglomerate that invests in a variety of
companies. After Bush won the gubernatorial election, Hicks transferred his
allegiance from the Democrat Richards to the Republican Bush. According to
Conason, though Hicks had originally supported Richards, he gave Bush a
$25,000 "campaign contribution" one month after Bush had won the election.
Hicks would eventually become one of Bush�s biggest supporters.

Richards had earlier named Hicks to the University of Texas Board of
Regents, but this appointment had to be supported by Bush for it to go
through. Not only did Bush agree to the appointment, he did something more.
He gave the financier enormous latitude to use the university�s assets�which
are supposed to be public funds�to invest in ventures of his own choosing.

Bush accomplished this through the establishment in March 1996 of the
University of Texas Investment Management Company (UTIMCO), to which $9
billion of the school�s assets were handed over. UTIMCO would be technically
separate from the regents, but would remain under their�and, in particular,
Hicks��control. While the Board of Regents as a whole technically had the
power to oversee Hicks, it invariably went along with his decisions.

Unlike the Board of Regents itself, UTIMCO was not required to open its
meetings or publish its activities, and was thus freed of public oversight.
This was an unprecedented action. According to UTIMCO�s own website, it is
"the first external investment corporation formed by a public university
system." UTIMCO has control over the University�s extensive land and oil
holdings (currently valued at about $7.5 billion) as well as its General
Endowment Fund.

The other regents appointed by Bush were all staunch Republican Party
supporters, including Donald Evans, Bush�s close personal friend who would
later become chairman of the University of Texas Regents when Hicks stepped
down. Evans was Bush�s finance chairman in the 2000 presidential campaign,
and is now secretary of commerce in Bush�s cabinet. In the early 1990s Bush
served as an outside director at Evans� company, Tom Brown, Inc. Bush made
$300,000 when he sold his shares in Tom Brown before becoming governor.

The investment decisions of UTIMCO were made largely in secret, though
subsequent research has uncovered some of the areas to which the funds were
directed. In 1995, $10 million went to the Carlyle investment group, which
has close ties with the Republican Party and the Bush family. The chairman
of Carlyle is Frank Carlucci, former secretary of defense under Ronald
Reagan. Also linked to Carlyle is James Baker III, former secretary of state
under the elder Bush. George W. Bush�s father has worked for Carlyle, and
the younger Bush served in the early 1990s on the board of directors of
Caterair, a company that was acquired by Carlyle in 1989.

Among the other beneficiaries of Hicks� generosity was the KKR 1996 Fund, a
subsidiary of Kohlberg Kravis Roberts, the leveraged buyout firm that became
notorious during the 1980s for its aggressive acquisitions that left target
companies nearly bankrupt. The KKR 1996 Fund received $50 million. Henry
Kravis, the company�s founding partner, is a major benefactor of the
Republican Party and was a financial co-chairman of the elder Bush�s
re-election campaign in 1992.

UTIMCO invested another $20 million in a deal involving the Bass family,
which became extraordinarily rich with the help of Richard Rainwater, who
had joined Bush in the Texas Rangers deal. The Basses were also involved in
Harken Energy. After Harken received an extraordinary deal granting it
oil-drilling rights off the coast of Bahrain, it called in the Bass brothers
to finance the preliminary exploration. According to a report by the Center
for Public Integrity, the Bass family is George W. Bush�s fifth largest
career patron.

These are only a handful of the deals organized by Hicks, which by no means
benefited only Bush�s friends�they also benefited Hicks. UTIMCO invested in
a number of companies that had or were about to begin relations with Hicks�
own firm. When Hicks stepped down in 1997 and handed over the post to Donald
Evans, the same investment pattern continued.

Hicks ended up buying the Texas Rangers from Bush and Bush�s fellow
investors in 1998. The price was $250 million, three times what Bush &
company had paid for it.

In and of itself, this transaction would have given Bush a return of a
little over $2 million. However, at some point during Bush�s tenure as
managing partner of the Rangers, his fellow owners significantly increased
his stake in the team, free of charge. This netted Bush an extra $13 million
when the team was sold. Much of this gift presumably came from the main
stakeholder in the team, Rainwater, who benefited financially in numerous
ways during Bush�s tenure as governor.

Krugman notes in his July 26 New York Times column that at one point the
Texas teachers� retirement system sold several buildings to a company
controlled by Rainwater for a $70 million loss, without allowing other
investors to bid on the sale.

Such was the manner in which George W. Bush acquired his fortune�a classic
example of how political power and inside connections can be leveraged into
personal wealth, at the expense of public assets.

How the Bush family made its fortune from the Nazis

Posted by Robert Lederman
robert.lederman@worldnet.att.net
February 9, 2002

Note: This article's author, John Loftus, is a former
U.S. Department of Justice Nazi War Crimes prosecutor,
the President of the Florida Holocaust Museum and the
highly respected author of numerous books on the CIA-Nazi
connection including The Belarus Secret and The Secret
War Against the Jews, both of which have extensive
material on the Bush-Rockefeller-Nazi connection.

Copyright September 27, 2000
by Attorney John Loftus

The Dutch Connection

How a famous American family
made its fortune from the Nazis

For the Bush family, it is a lingering nightmare. For
their Nazi clients, the Dutch connection was the mother
of all money laundering schemes. From 1945 until 1949,
one of the lengthiest and, it now appears, most futile
interrogations of a Nazi war crimes suspect began in the
American Zone of Occupied Germany. Multibillionaire steel
magnate Fritz Thyssen-the man whose steel combine was the
cold heart of the Nazi war machine-talked and talked and
talked to a joint US-UK interrogation team. For four long
years, successive teams of inquisitors tried to break
Thyssen's simple claim to possess neither foreign bank
accounts nor interests in foreign corporations, no assets
that might lead to the missing billions in assets of the
Third Reich. The inquisitors failed utterly.

Why? Because what the wily Thyssen deposed was, in a
sense, true. What the Allied investigators never
understood was that they were not asking Thyssen the
right question. Thyssen did not need any foreign bank
accounts because his family secretly owned an entire
chain of banks. He did not have to transfer his Nazi
assets at the end of World War II, all he had to do was
transfer the ownership documents - stocks, bonds, deeds
and trusts--from his bank in Berlin through his bank in
Holland to his American friends in New York City:
Prescott Bush and Herbert Walker. Thyssen's partners in
crime were the father and father-in-law of a future
President of the United States.

The allied investigators underestimated Thyssen's reach,
his connections, his motives, and his means. The web of
financial entities Thyssen helped create in the 1920's
remained a mystery for the rest of the twentieth century,
an almost perfectly hidden underground sewer pipeline for
moving dirty money, money that bankrolled the post-war
fortunes not only of the Thyssen industrial empire...but
the Bush family as well. It was a secret Fritz Thyssen
would take to his grave.

It was a secret that would lead former US intelligence
agent William Gowen, now pushing 80, to the very doorstep
of the Dutch royal family. The Gowens are no strangers to
controversy or nobility. His father was one of President
Roosevelt's diplomatic emissaries to Pope Pius XII,
leading a futile attempt to persuade the Vatican to
denounce Hitler's treatment of Jews. It was his son,
William Gowen, who served in Rome after World War II as a
Nazi hunter and investigator with the U.S. Army Counter
Intelligence Corps. It was Agent Gowen who first
discovered the secret Vatican Ratline for smuggling Nazis
in 1949. It was also the same William Gowen who began to
uncover the secret Dutch pipeline for smuggling Nazi
money in 1999.

A half-century earlier, Fritz Thyssen was telling the
allied investigators that he had no interest in foreign
companies, that Hitler had turned on him and seized most
of his property. His remaining assets were mostly in the
Russian Occupied Zone of Germany (which he knew were a
write-off anyway). His distant (and disliked) relatives
in neutral nations like Holland were the actual owners of
a substantial percentage of the remaining German
industrial base. As innocent victims of the Third Reich,
they were lobbying the allied occupation governments in
Germany, demanding restitution of the property that had
been seized from them by the Nazis.

Under the rules of the Allied occupation of Germany, all
property owned by citizens of a neutral nation which had
been seized by the Nazis had to be returned to the
neutral citizens upon proper presentation of documents
showing proof of ownership. Suddenly, all sorts of
neutral parties, particularly in Holland, were claiming
ownership of various pieces of the Thyssen empire. In his
cell, Fritz Thyssen just smiled and waited to be released
from prison while members of the Dutch royal family and
the Dutch intelligence service reassembled his pre-war
holdings for him.

The British and American interrogators may have gravely
underestimated Thyssen but they nonetheless knew they
were being lied to. Their suspicions focused on one Dutch
Bank in particular, the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart,
in Rotterdam. This bank did a lot of business with the
Thyssens over the years. In 1923, as a favor to him, the
Rotterdam bank loaned the money to build the very first
Nazi party headquarters in Munich. But somehow the allied
investigations kept going nowhere, the intelligence leads
all seemed to dry up.

If the investigators realized that the US intelligence
chief in postwar Germany, Allen Dulles, was also the
Rotterdam bank's lawyer, they might have asked some very
interesting questions. They did not know that Thyssen was
Dulles' client as well. Nor did they ever realize that it
was Allen Dulles's other client, Baron Kurt Von Schroeder
who was the Nazi trustee for the Thyssen companies which
now claimed to be owned by the Dutch. The Rotterdam Bank
was at the heart of Dulles' cloaking scheme, and he
guarded its secrets jealously.

Several decades after the war, investigative reporter
Paul Manning, Edward R. Murrow's colleague, stumbled
across the Thyssen interrogations in the US National
Archives. Manning intended to write a book about Nazi
money laundering. Manning's manuscript was a dagger at
Allen Dulles' throat: his book specifically mentioned the
Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart by name, albeit in
passing. Dulles volunteered to help the unsuspecting
Manning with his manuscript, and sent him on a wild goose
chase, searching for Martin Bormann in South America.

Without knowing that he had been deliberately
sidetracked, Manning wrote a forward to his book
personally thanking Allen Dulles for his "assurance that
I was "on the right track, and should keep going.'"Dulles
sent Manning and his manuscript off into the swamps of
obscurity. The same "search for Martin Bormann"scam was
also used to successfully discredit Ladislas Farago,
another American journalist probing too far into the
laundering of Nazi money. American investigators had to
be sent anywhere but Holland.

And so the Dutch connection remained unexplored until
1994 when I published the book "The Secret War Against
the Jews."As a matter of historical curiosity, I
mentioned that Fritz Thyssen (and indirectly, the Nazi
Party) had obtained their early financing from Brown
Brothers Harriman, and its affiliate, the Union Banking
Corporation. Union Bank, in turn, was the Bush family's
holding company for a number of other entities, including
the "Holland American Trading Company."

It was a matter of public record that the Bush holdings
were seized by the US government after the Nazis overran
Holland. In 1951, the Bush's reclaimed Union Bank from
the US Alien Property Custodian, along with their
"neutral" Dutch assets. I did not realize it, but I had
stumbled across a very large piece of the missing Dutch
connection. Bush's ownership of the Holland-American
investment company was the missing link to Manning's
earlier research in the Thyssen investigative files. In
1981, Manning had written:

"Thyssen's first step in a long dance of tax and currency
frauds began [in the late 1930's] when he disposed of his
shares in the Dutch Hollandische-Amerikanische Investment
Corporation to be credited to the Bank voor Handel en
Scheepvaart, N.V., Rotterdam, the bank founded in 1916 by
August Thyssen Senior."

In this one obscure paragraph, in a little known book,
Manning had unwittingly documented two intriguing points:
1) The Bush's Union Bank had apparently bought the same
corporate stock that the Thyssens were selling as part of
their Nazi money laundering, and 2) the Rotterdam Bank,
far from being a neutral Dutch institution, was founded
by Fritz Thyssen's father. In hindsight, Manning and I
had uncovered different ends of the Dutch connection.

After reading the excerpt in my book about the Bush's
ownership of the Holland-American trading Company,
retired US intelligence agent William Gowen began to put
the pieces of the puzzle together. Mr. Gowen knew every c
orner of Europe from his days as a diplomat's son, an
American intelligence agent, and a newspaperman. William
Gowen deserves sole credit for uncovering the mystery of
how the Nazi industrialists hid their money from the
Allies at the end of World War II.

In 1999, Mr. Gowen traveled to Europe, at his own
expense, to meet a former member of Dutch intelligence
who had detailed inside information about the Rotterdam
bank. The scrupulous Gowen took a written statement and
then had his source read and correct it for error. Here,
in summary form, is how the Nazis hid their money in
America.

After World War I, August Thyssen had been badly burned
by the loss of assets under the harsh terms of the
Versailles treaty. He was determined that it would never
happen again. One of his sons would join the Nazis; the
other would be neutral. No matter who won the next war,
the Thyssen family would survive with their industrial
empire intact. Fritz Thyssen joined the Nazis in 1923;
his younger brother married into Hungarian nobility and
changed his name to Baron Thyssen-Bornemisza. The Baron
later claimed Hungarian as well as Dutch citizenship. In
public, he pretended to detest his Nazi brother, but in
private they met at secret board meetings in Germany to
coordinate their operations. If one brother were
threatened with loss of property, he would transfer his
holdings to the other.

To aid his sons in their shell game, August Thyssen had
established three different banks during the 1920's --
The August Thyssen Bank in Berlin, the Bank voor Handel
en Scheepvaart in Rotterdam, and the Union Banking
Corporation in New York City. To protect their corporate
holdings, all the brothers had to do was move the
corporate paperwork from one bank to the other. This they
did with some regularity. When Fritz Thyssen "sold" the
Holland-American Trading Company for a tax loss, the
Union Banking Corporation in New York bought the stock.
Similarly, the Bush family invested the disguised Nazi
profits in American steel and manufacturing corporations
that became part of the secret Thyssen empire.

When the Nazis invaded Holland in May 1940, they
investigated the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart in
Rotterdam. Fritz Thyssen was suspected by Hitler's
auditors of being a tax fraud and of illegally
transferring his wealth outside the Third Reich. The Nazi
auditors were right: Thyssen felt that Hitler's economic
policies would dilute his wealth through ruinous war
inflation. He had been smuggling his war profits out
through Holland. But the Rotterdam vaults were empty of
clues to where the money had gone. The Nazis did not know
that all of the documents evidencing secret Thyssen
ownership had been quietly shipped back to the August
Thyssen Bank in Berlin, under the friendly supervision of
Baron Kurt Von Schroeder. Thyssen spent the rest of the
war under VIP house arrest. He had fooled Hitler, hidden
his immense profits, and now it was time to fool the
Americans with same shell game.

As soon as Berlin fell to the allies, it was time to ship
the documents back to Rotterdam so that the "neutral"
bank could claim ownership under the friendly supervision
of Allen Dulles, who, as the OSS intelligence chief in
1945 Berlin, was well placed to handle any troublesome
investigations. Unfortunately, the August Thyssen Bank
had been bombed during the war, and the documents were
buried in the underground vaults beneath the rubble.
Worse, the vaults lay in the Soviet Zone of Berlin.

According to Gowen's source, Prince Bernhard commanded a
unit of Dutch intelligence, which dug up the
incriminating corporate papers in 1945 and brought them
back to the "neutral" bank in Rotterdam. The pretext was
that the Nazis had stolen the crown jewels of his wife,
Princess Juliana, and the Russians gave the Dutch
permission to dig up the vault and retrieve them.
Operation Juliana was a Dutch fraud on the Allies who
searched high and low for the missing pieces of the
Thyssen fortune.

In 1945, the former Dutch manager of the Rotterdam bank
resumed control only to discover that he was sitting on a
huge pile of hidden Nazi assets. In 1947, the manager
threatened to inform Dutch authorities, and was
immediately fired by the Thyssens. The somewhat naive
bank manager then fled to New York City where he intended
to talk to Union Bank director Prescott Bush. As Gowen's
Dutch source recalled, the manager intended "to reveal
[to Prescott Bush] the truth about Baron Heinrich and the
Rotterdam Bank, [in order that] some or all of the
Thyssen interests in the Thyssen Group might be seized
and confiscated as German enemy property. "The manager's
body was found in New York two weeks later.

Similarly, in 1996 a Dutch journalist Eddy Roever went to
London to interview the Baron, who was neighbors with
Margaret Thatcher. Roever's body was discovered two days
later. Perhaps, Gowen remarked dryly, it was only a
coincidence that both healthy men had died of heart
attacks immediately after trying to uncover the truth
about the Thyssens.

Neither Gowen nor his Dutch source knew about the
corroborating evidence in the Alien Property Custodian
archives or in the OMGUS archives. Together, the two
separate sets of US files overlap each other and directly
corroborate Gowen's source. The first set of archives
confirms absolutely that the Union Banking Corporation in
New York was owned by the Rotterdam Bank. The second set
(quoted by Manning) confirms that the Rotterdam Bank in
turn was owned by the Thyssens.

It is not surprising that these two American agencies
never shared their Thyssen files. As the noted historian
Burton Hersh documented:

"The Alien Property Custodian, Leo Crowley, was on the
payroll of the New York J. Henry Schroeder Bank where
Foster and Allen Dulles both sat as board members. Foster
arranged an appointment for himself as special legal
counsel for the Alien Property Custodian while
simultaneously representing [German] interests against
the custodian."

No wonder Allen Dulles had sent Paul Manning on a wild
goose chase to South America. He was very close to
uncovering the fact that the Bush's bank in New York City
was secretly owned by the Nazis, before during and after
WWII. Once Thyssen ownership of the Union Banking
Corporation is proven, it makes out a prima facie case of
treason against the Dulles and Bush families for giving
aid and comfort to the enemy in time of war.

PART TWO

The first key fact to be proven in any criminal case is
that the Thyssen family secretly owned the Bush's Bank.
Apart from Gowen's source, and the twin American files, a
third set of corroboration comes from the Thyssen family
themselves. In 1979, the present Baron Thyssen-Bornemisza
(Fritz Thyssen's nephew) prepared a written family
history to be shared with his top management. A copy of
this thirty-page tome entitled "The History of the
Thyssen Family and Their Activities"was provided by
Gowen's source. It contains the following Thyssen
admissions:

"Thus, at the beginning of World War II the Bank voor
Handel en Scheepvaart had become the holding of my
father's companies - a Dutch firm whose only shareholder
was a Hungarian citizen..Prior to 1929, it held the
shares of .the August Thyssen Bank, and also American
subsidiaries and the Union Banking Corporation, New
York.The shares of all the affiliates were [in 1945] with
the August Thyssen Bank in the East Sector of Berlin,
from where I was able to have them transferred into the
West at the last moment"

"After the war the Dutch government ordered an
investigation into the status of the holding company and,
pending the result, appointed a Dutch former general
manager of my father who turned against our family.. In
that same year, 1947, I returned to Germany for the first
time after the war, disguised as a Dutch driver in
military uniform, to establish contact with our German
directors"

"The situation of the Group gradually began to be
resolved but it was not until 1955 that the German
companies were freed from Allied control and subsequently
disentangled. Fortunately, the companies in the group
suffered little from dismantling. At last we were in a
position to concentrate on purely economic problems --
the reconstruction and extension of the companies and the
expansion of the organization."

"The banking department of the Bank voor Handel en
Scheepvaart, which also functioned as the Group's holding
company, merged in 1970 with Nederlandse Credietbank N.V.
which increased its capital. The Group received 25
percent.The Chase Manhattan Bank holds 31%. The name
Thyssen-Bornemisza Group was selected for the new holding
company."

Thus the twin US Archives, Gowen's Dutch source, and the
Thyssen family history all independently confirm that
President Bush's father and grandfather served on the
board of a bank that was secretly owned by the leading
Nazi industrialists. The Bush connection to these
American institutions is a matter of public record. What
no one knew, until Gowen's brilliant research opened the
door, was that the Thyssens were the secret employers of
the Bush family.

But what did the Bush family know about their Nazi
connection and when did they know it? As senior managers
of Brown Brothers Harriman, they had to have known that
their American clients, such as the Rockefellers, were
investing heavily in German corporations, including
Thyssen's giant Vereinigte Stahlwerke. As noted historian
Christopher Simpson repeatedly documents, it is a matter
of public record that Brown Brother's investments in Nazi
Germany took place under the Bush family stewardship.

When war broke out was Prescott Bush stricken with a case
of Waldheimers disease, a sudden amnesia about his Nazi
past? Or did he really believe that our friendly Dutch
allies owned the Union Banking Corporation and its parent
bank in Rotterdam? It should be recalled that in January
1937, he hired Allen Dulles to "cloak" his accounts. But
cloak from whom? Did he expect that happy little Holland
was going to declare war on America? The cloaking
operation only makes sense in anticipation of a possible
war with Nazi Germany. If Union Bank was not the conduit
for laundering the Rockefeller's Nazi investments back to
America, then how could the Rockefeller-controlled Chase
Manhattan Bank end up owning 31% of the Thyssen group
after the war?

It should be noted that the Thyssen group (TBG) is now
the largest industrial conglomerate in Germany, and with
a net worth of more than $50 billion dollars, one of the
wealthiest corporations in the world. TBG is so rich it
even bought out the Krupp family, famous arms makers for
Hitler, leaving the Thyssens as the undisputed champion
survivors of the Third Reich. Where did the Thyssens get
the start-up money to rebuild their empire with such
speed after World War II?

The enormous sums of money deposited into the Union Bank
prior to 1942 is the best evidence that Prescott Bush
knowingly served as a money launderer for the Nazis.
Remember that Union Banks' books and accounts were frozen
by the U.S. Alien Property Custodian in 1942 and not
released back to the Bush family until 1951. At that
time, Union Bank shares representing hundreds of millions
of dollars worth of industrial stocks and bonds were
unblocked for distribution. Did the Bush family really
believe that such enormous sums came from Dutch
enterprises? One could sell tulip bulbs and wooden shoes
for centuries and not achieve those sums. A fortune this
size could only have come from the Thyssen profits made
from rearming the Third Reich, and then hidden, first
from the Nazi tax auditors, and then from the Allies.

The Bushes knew perfectly well that Brown Brothers was
the American money channel into Nazi Germany, and that
Union Bank was the secret pipeline to bring the Nazi
money back to America from Holland. The Bushes had to
have known how the secret money circuit worked because
they were on the board of directors in both directions:
Brown Brothers out, Union Bank in.

Moreover, the size of their compensation is commensurate
with their risk as Nazi money launderers. In 1951,
Prescott Bush and his father in law each received one
share of Union Bank stock, worth $750,000 each. One and a
half million dollars was a lot of money in 1951. But
then, from the Thyssen point of view, buying the Bushes
was the best bargain of the war.

The bottom line is harsh: It is bad enough that the Bush
family helped raise the money for Thyssen to give Hitler
his start in the 1920's, but giving aid and comfort to
the enemy in time of war is treason. The Bush's bank
helped the Thyssens make the Nazi steel that killed
allied soldiers. As bad as financing the Nazi war machine
may seem, aiding and abetting the Holocaust was worse.
Thyssen's coal mines used Jewish slaves as if they were
disposable chemicals. There are six million skeletons in
the Thyssen family closet, and a myriad of criminal and
historical questions to be answered about the Bush
family's complicity.

This article is provided
courtesy of Dr. Leonard G. Horowitz
and Tetrahedron, LLC
206 North 4th Avenue, Suite 147
Sandpoint, Idaho 83864
http://www.tetrahedron.org
Toll free order line: 888-508-4787;
Office telephone: 208-265-2575;
FAX: 208-265-2775
E-mail: tetra@tetrahedron.org

See also: http://www.miracle6.com
http://www.tetraassoc.com
http://www.deathintheair.com
http://www.healingcelebrations.com
http://www.americanreddoublecross.com
http://www.prophecyandpreparedness.com