| Subject: Re: Sleep well Al Zarqawi |
| From: Vampi Fangs |
| Date: 09/06/2006, 11:08 |
| Newsgroups: alt.alien.research,alt.alien.visitors,alt.paranet.ufo,sci.skeptic,alt.astronomy,alt.fan.art-bell,alt.usenet.kooks,alt.hackers.malicious |
On Fri, 09 Jun 2006 03:39:01 -0400, "=^.FixCat.^=" <fixcat1@gmail.com>
wrote:
Lamey The Cable Guy6/9/06 1:28 AM
On 8 Jun 2006 17:10:58 -0700, "=^.FixCat.^=" <daisysophie@gmail.com>
wrote:
Yomamma bin Crawdaddin wrote:
http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,198659,00.html
Fukk you and anybody who looks like you....
:-)
I just wanna know how they got his dead mug photo into a huge FRAME so
fast? What - they got a frame shop over in Iraq - photo was on CNN
this morning
I'm thinking the whole thing was a frameup.
Aaah . . .
check this out:
UNREPORTED - THE ZARQAWI INVITATION
by Greg Palast
They got him -- the big, bad, beheading berserker in Iraq. But,
something's gone unreported in all the glee over getting Zarqawi … who
invited him into Iraq in the first place?
If you prefer your fairy tales unsoiled by facts, read no further. If
you want the uncomfortable truth, begin with this: A phone call to
Baghdad to Saddam's Palace on the night of April 21, 2003. It was
Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld on a secure line from Washington
to General Jay Garner.
The General had arrives in Baghdad just hours before to take charge of
the newly occupied nation. The message from Rumsfeld was not a
heartwarming welcome. Rummy told Garner, Don't unpack, Jack -- you're
fired.
What had Garner done? The many-starred general had been sent by the
President himself to take charge of a deeply dangerous mission. Iraq
was tense but relatively peaceful. Garner's job was to keep the peace
and bring democracy.
Unfortunately for the general, he took the President at his word.
But the general was wrong. "Peace" and "Democracy" were the slogans.
"My preference," Garner told me in his understated manner, "was to put
the Iraqis in charge as soon as we can and do it in some form of
elections."
But elections were not in The Plan.
The Plan was a 101-page document to guide the long-term future of the
land we'd just conquered. There was nothing in it about democracy or
elections or safety. There was, rather, a detailed schedule for
selling off "all [Iraq's] state assets" -- and Iraq, that's just about
everything -- "especially," said The Plan, "the oil and supporting
industries." Especially the oil.
There was more than oil to sell off. The Plan included the sale of
Iraq's banks, and weirdly, changing it's copyright laws and other odd
items that made the plan look less like a program for Iraq to get on
its feet than a program for corporate looting of the nation's assets.
(And indeed, we discovered at BBC, behind many of the odder elements
-- copyright and tax code changes -- was the hand of lobbyist Jack
Abramoff's associate Grover Norquist.)
But Garner didn't think much of The Plan, he told me when we met a
year later in Washington. He had other things on his mind. "You
prevent epidemics, you start the food distribution program to prevent
famine."
Seizing title and ownership of Iraq's oil fields was not on Garner's
must-do list. He let that be known to Washington. "I don't think
[Iraqis] need to go by the U.S. plan, I think that what we need to do
is set an Iraqi government that represents the freely elected will of
the people." He added, "It's their country … their oil."
Apparently, the Secretary of Defense disagreed. So did lobbyist
Norquist. And Garner incurred their fury by getting carried away with
the "democracy" idea: he called for quick elections -- within 90 days
of the taking of Baghdad.
But Garner's 90-days-to-elections commitment ran straight into the oil
sell-off program. Annex D of the plan indicated that would take at
least 270 days -- at least 9 months.
Worse, Garner was brokering a truce between Sunnis, Shias and Kurds.
They were about to begin what Garner called a "Big Tent" meeting to
hammer out the details and set the election date. He figured he had 90
days to get it done before the factions started slitting each other's
throats.
But a quick election would mean the end of the state-asset sell-off
plan: An Iraqi-controlled government would never go along with what
would certainly amount to foreign corporations swallowing their entire
economy. Especially the oil. Garner had spent years in Iraq, in
charge of the Northern Kurdish zone and knew Iraqis well. He was
certain that an asset-and-oil grab, "privatizations," would cause a
sensitive population to take up the gun. "That's just one fight you
don't want to take on right now."
But that's just the fight the neo-cons at Defense wanted. And in
Rumsfeld's replacement for Garner, they had a man itching for the
fight. Paul Bremer III had no experience on the ground in Iraq, but
he had one unbeatable credential that Garner lacked: Bremer had
served as Managing Director of Kissinger and Associates.
In April 2003, Bremer instituted democracy Bush style: he canceled
elections and appointed the entire government himself. Two months
later, Bremer ordered a halt to all municipal elections including the
crucial vote to Shia seeking to select a mayor in the city of Najaf.
The front-runner, moderate Shia Asad Sultan Abu Gilal warned, "If they
don't give us freedom, what will we do? We have patience, but not for
long." Local Shias formed the "Mahdi Army," and within a year,
provoked by Bremer's shutting their paper, attacked and killed 21 U.S.
soldiers.
The insurgency had begun. But Bremer's job was hardly over. There
were Sunnis to go after. He issued "Order Number One:
De-Ba'athification." In effect, this became "De-Sunni-fication."
Saddam's generals, mostly Sunnis, who had, we learned, secretly
collaborated with the US invasion and now expected their reward found
themselves hunted and arrested. Falah Aljibury, an Iraqi-born US
resident who helped with the pre-invasion brokering, told me, "U.S.
forces imprisoned all those we named as political leaders," who
stopped Iraq's army from firing on U.S. troops.
Aljibury's main concern was that busting Iraqi collaborators and
Ba'athist big shots was a gift "to the Wahabis," by which he meant the
foreign insurgents, who now gained experienced military commanders,
Sunnis, who now had no choice but to fight the US-installed regime or
face arrest, ruin or death. They would soon link up with the
Sunni-defending Wahabi, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, who was committed to
destroying "Shia snakes."
And the oil fields? It was, Aljibury noted, when word got out about
the plans to sell off the oil fields (thanks to loose lips of the
US-appointed oil minister) that pipelines began to blow. Although he
had been at the center of planning for invasion, Aljibury now saw the
greed-crazed grab for the oil fields as the fuel for a civil war that
would rip his country to pieces:
"Insurgents," he said, "and those who wanted to destabilize a new Iraq
have used this as means of saying, 'Look, you're losing your country.
You’re losing your leadership. You're losing all of your resources to
a bunch of wealthy people. A bunch of billionaires in the world want
to take you over and make your life miserable.' And we saw an increase
in the bombing of oil facilities, pipelines, of course, built on --
built on the premise that privatization [of oil] is coming."
General Garner, watching the insurgency unfold from the occupation
authority's provocations, told me, in his understated manner, "I'm a
believer that you don't want to end the day with more enemies than you
started with."
But you can't have a war president without a war. And you can't have
a war without enemies. "Bring 'em on," our Commander-in-Chief said.
And Zarqawi answered the call.
--
V--V
"That war on Iraq was illegitimate... it was a criminal and immoral
conspiracy. No provocation, no link with al-Qaeda, no weapons of
Armageddon. Tales of complicity and Osama were self-serving bullshit. It
was an old colonial war dressed up as a crusade for Western life and
liberty, and it was launched by a clique of war-hungry Judaeo-Christian
geopolitical fantasists who hijacked the media and exploited America's
post-Nine Eleven psychopathy."
John Le Carre